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时间:2019-12-14 21:50:42 作者:deborah lippmann 浏览量:63855

CHAPTER XII. CONCLUSION.Five words which are used by C?sar in the description of this affair give us a strong instance of his conciseness in the use of words, and of the capability for conciseness which the Latin language affords. 鈥淧remebantur Afraniani pabulatione, aquabantur ?gre.鈥 鈥淭he soldiers of Afranius were much distressed in the matter of forage, and could obtain water only with great difficulty.鈥 These twenty words translate those five which C?sar uses, perhaps with fair accuracy; but many more than twenty would probably have been used by any English historian in dealing with the same facts.

富士艾诗缇 澳门金沙娱乐8066澳门金沙娱乐8066Pompey orders that his first rank shall not leave its order to advance, but shall receive the shock of C?sar鈥檚 attack. C?sar points out to us that he is wrong in this, because the very excitement of a first attack gives increased energy and strength to the men. C?sar鈥檚{168} legionaries are told to attack, and they rush over the space intervening between the first ranks to do so. But they are so well trained that they pause and catch their breath before they throw their weapons. Then they throw their piles and draw their swords, and the ranks of the two armies are close pitted against each other.澳门金沙娱乐8066

澳门金沙娱乐8066澳门金沙娱乐8066Having done so much, Ambiorix and the Eburones do not desist. Now, if ever, after so great a disgrace, and with legions still scattered, may C?sar be worsted. Q. Cicero is with his legion among the Nervii, and thither Ambiorix goes. The Nervii are quite ready, and Cicero is attacked in his camp. And here, too, for a long while it goes very badly with the Romans;鈥攕o badly that Cicero is hardly able to hold his ramparts against the attacks made upon them by the barbarians. Red-hot balls of clay and hot arrows are thrown into the camp, and there is a fire. The messengers sent to C?sar for help are slain on the road, and the Romans begin to think that there is hardly a chance for them of escape. Unless C?sar be with them they are not safe. All their power, their prestige, their certainty of conquest, lies in C?sar. Cicero behaves like a prudent and a valiant man; but unless he had at last succeeded in getting a Gaulish slave to take a letter concealed in a dart to C?sar, the enemy would have destroyed him.SECOND BOOK OF THE CIVIL WAR.鈥擳HE TAKING OF MARSEILLES.鈥擵ARRO IN THE SOUTH OF SPAIN.鈥擳HE FATE OF CURIO BEFORE UTICA.鈥擝.C. 49.澳门金沙娱乐8066

澳门金沙娱乐8066Soon after this Gaul was really subdued, and then we hear the first preparatory notes of the coming civil war. An attempt was made at Rome to ruin C?sar in his absence. One of the consuls of the year,鈥擝.C. 51,鈥攅ndeavoured to deprive him of the remainder of the term of his proconsulship, and to debar him from seeking the suffrages of the people for the consulship in his absence. Two of his legions are also demanded from him, and are surrendered by him. The order, indeed, is for one legion from him and one from Pompeius; but he has had with him, as the reader will remember, a legion borrowed from Pompeius;鈥攁nd thus in fact C?sar is called upon to give up two legions. And he gives them up,鈥攏ot being as yet quite ready to pass the Rubicon.澳门金沙娱乐8066

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It is the object of this little volume to describe C?sar鈥檚 Commentaries for the aid of those who do not read Latin, and not to write Roman history; but it may be well to say something, in a few introductory lines, of the life and character of our author. We are all more or less familiar with the name of Julius C?sar. In our early days we learned that he{4} was the first of those twelve Roman emperors with whose names it was thought right to burden our young memories; and we were taught to understand that when he began to reign there ceased to exist that form of republican government in which two consuls elected annually did in truth preside over the fortunes of the empire. There had first been seven kings,鈥攚hose names have also been made familiar to us,鈥攖hen the consuls, and after them the twelve C?sars, of whom the great Julius was the first. So much we all know of him; and we know, too, that he was killed in the Capitol by conspirators just as he was going to become emperor, although this latter scrap of knowledge seems to be paradoxically at variance with the former. In addition to this we know that he was a great commander and conqueror and writer, who did things and wrote of them in the 鈥渧eni, vidi, vici鈥 style鈥攕aying of himself, 鈥淚 came, I saw, I conquered.鈥 We know that a great Roman army was intrusted to him, and that he used this army for the purpose of establishing his own power in Rome by taking a portion of it over the Rubicon, which little river separated the province which he had been appointed to govern from the actual Roman territory within which, as a military servant of the magistrates of the republic, he had no business to appear as a general at the head of his army. So much we know; and in the following very short memoir of the great commander and historian, no effort shall be made,鈥攁s has been so frequently and so painfully done for us in late years,鈥攖o upset the teachings of our youth, and to{5} prove that the old lessons were wrong. They were all fairly accurate, and shall now only be supplemented by a few further circumstances which were doubtless once learned by all school-boys and school-girls, but which some may perhaps have forgotten since those happy days.三氯卡班 澳门金沙娱乐8066During the latter days of this contest the Afranians, as they are called鈥擱oman legionaries, as are the soldiers of C?sar鈥攆raternise with their brethren in C?sar鈥檚 camp, and there is something of free intercourse between the two Roman armies. The upshot is that the soldiers of Afranius resolve to give themselves up to C?sar, bargaining, however, that their own generals shall be secure. Afranius is willing enough; but his{129} brother-general, Petreius, with more of the Roman at heart, will not hear of it. We shall hear hereafter the strange fate of this Petreius. He stops the conspiracy with energy, and forces from his own men, and even from Afranius, an oath against surrender. He orders that all C?sar鈥檚 soldiers found in their camp shall be killed, and, as C?sar tells us, brings back the affair to the old form of war. But it is all of no avail. The Afranians are so driven by the want of water, that the two generals are at last compelled to capitulate and lay down their arms.澳门金沙娱乐8066

澳门金沙娱乐8066C?sar had two kinds of ships鈥斺渘aves long?,鈥 long ships for carrying soldiers; and 鈥渘aves onerari?,鈥 ships for carrying burdens. The long ships do not seem to have been such ships of war as the Romans generally used in their sea-fights, but were handier, and more easily worked, than the transports. These he laid broadside to the shore, and harassed the poor natives with stones and arrows. Then the eagle-bearer of the tenth legion jumped into the sea, proclaiming that he, at any rate, would do his duty. Unless they wished to see their eagle fall into the hands of the enemy, they must follow him. 鈥淛ump down, he said, my fellow-soldiers, unless you wish to betray your eagle to the enemy. I at least will do my duty to the Republic and to our General. When he had said this with a loud voice, he threw himself out of the ship and advanced the eagle against the enemy.鈥 Seeing and hearing this, the men leaped forth freely, from that ship and from others. As usual, there was some sharp fighting. 鈥淧ugnatum est ab utrisque acriter.鈥 It is{72} nearly always the same thing. C?sar throws away none of his glory by underrating his enemy. But at length the Britons fly. 鈥淭his thing only was wanting to C?sar鈥檚 usual good fortune,鈥濃攖hat he was deficient in cavalry wherewith to ride on in pursuit, and 鈥渢ake the island!鈥 Considering how very short a time he remains in the island, we feel that his complaint against fortune is hardly well founded. But there is a general surrender, and a claiming of hostages, and after a few days a sparkle of new hope in the breasts of the Britons. A storm arises, and C?sar鈥檚 ships are so knocked about that he does not know how he will get back to Gaul. He is troubled by a very high tide, not understanding the nature of these tides. As he had only intended this for a little tentative trip,鈥攁 mere taste of a future war with Britain,鈥攈e had brought no large supply of corn with him. He must get back, by hook or by crook. The Britons, seeing how it is with him, think that they can destroy him, and make an attempt to do so. The seventh legion is in great peril, having been sent out to find corn, but is rescued. Certain of his ships,鈥攖hose which had been most grievously handled by the storm,鈥攈e breaks up, in order that he may mend the others with their materials. When we think how long it takes us to mend ships, having dockyards, and patent slips, and all things ready, this is most marvellous to us. But he does mend his ships, and while so doing he has a second fight with the Britons, and again repulses them. There is a burning and destroying of everything far and wide, a gathering of ambassadors to C?sar asking{73} for terms, a demand for hostages,鈥攁 double number of hostages now,鈥攚hom C?sar desired to have sent over to him to Gaul, because at this time of the year he did not choose to trust them to ships that were unseaworthy; and he himself, with all his army, gets back into the Boulogne and Calais country. Two transports only are missing, which are carried somewhat lower down the coast. There are but three hundred men in these transports, and these the Morini of those parts threaten to kill unless they will give up their arms. But C?sar sends help, and even these three hundred are saved from disgrace. There is, of course, more burning of houses and laying waste of fields because of this little attempt, and then C?sar puts his army into winter quarters.When the number of men whom C?sar took with him into countries hitherto unknown to him or his army is considered, and the apparently reckless audacity with which he did so, it must be acknowledged that he himself says very little about his difficulties. He must constantly have had armies for which to provide twice as large as our Crimean army,鈥攑robably as large as the united force of the English and French in the Crimea; and he certainly could not bring with him what he wanted in ships. The road from Balaclava up to the heights over Sebastopol, we know, was very bad; but it was short. The road from the foot of the Alps in the Roman province to the countries with which we were dealing in the last chapter could not, we should say, have been very good two thousand{56} years ago, and it certainly was very long;鈥攏early a hundred miles for C?sar to every single one of those that were so terrible to us in the Crimea. C?sar, however, carried but little with him beyond his arms and implements of war, and of those the heaviest he no doubt made as he went. The men had an allowance of corn per day, besides so much pay. We are told that the pay before C?sar鈥檚 time was 100 asses a-month for the legionaries,鈥攖he as being less than a penny,鈥攁nd that this was doubled by C?sar. We can conceive that the money troubled him comparatively slightly, but that the finding of the daily corn and forage for so large a host of men and horses must have been very difficult. He speaks of the difficulty often, but never with that despair which was felt as to the roasting of our coffee in the Crimea. We hear of his waiting till forage should have grown, and sometimes there are necessary considerations 鈥渄e re frumentaria,鈥濃攁bout that great general question of provisions; but of crushing difficulties very little is said, and of bad roads not a word. One great advantage C?sar certainly had over Lord Raglan;鈥攈e was his own special correspondent. Coffee his men certainly did not get; but if their corn were not properly roasted for them, and if, as would be natural, the men grumbled, he had with him no licensed collector of grumbles to make public the sufferings of his men.

In the mean time things have not been going altogether smoothly for C?sar in Italy, although his friends at Rome have made him Dictator. His soldiers have mutinied against their officers, and against his authority; and a great company of Pompeians is collected in that province of Africa in which poor Curio was conquered by Juba,鈥攚hen Juba had Roman senators walking in his train, and C?sar鈥檚 army was destroyed. The province called by the name of Africa lay just opposite to Sicily, and was blessed with that Roman civilisation which belonged to the possessions of the Republic which were nearest to Rome, the great centre of all things. It is now the stronghold of the Republican faction,鈥攁s being the one spot of Roman ground in which C?sar had failed of success. Pompey, indeed, is no more, but Pompey鈥檚 two sons are here,鈥攁nd Scipio, Pompey鈥檚 father-in-law, whom Pompey had joined with himself in the command at Pharsalus. Labienus is here, who, since he turned from C?sar, has been more Pompeian than Pompey himself; and Afranius, to whom C?sar was so kind in Spain; and Petreius and King Juba,鈥攐f whom a joint story has yet to be told; and Varus, who held the province against Curio;鈥攁nd last of all there is that tower of strength, the great Cato, the most virtuous and impracticable of men, who, in spite of his virtue, is always in the wrong, and of{178} whom the world at large only remembers that he was fond of wine, and that he destroyed himself at Utica.澳门金沙娱乐8066In the month of January C?sar was at Ravenna, just north of the Rubicon, and in his own province. Messages pass between him and the Senate, and he proposes his terms. The Senate also proposes its terms. He must lay down his arms, or he will be esteemed an enemy by the Republic. All Rome is disturbed. The account is C?sar鈥檚 account, but we imagine that Rome was disturbed. 鈥淪oldiers are recruited over all Italy; arms are demanded, taxes are levied on the municipalities,{123} and money is taken from the sacred shrines; all laws divine and human are disregarded.鈥 Then C?sar explains to his soldiers his wrongs, and the crimes of Pompey. He tells them how they, under his guidance, have been victorious, how under him they have 鈥減acified鈥 all Gaul and Germany, and he calls upon them to defend him who has enabled them to do such great things. He has but one legion with him, but that legion declares that it will obey him,鈥攈im and the tribunes of the people, some of whom, acting on C?sar鈥檚 side, have come over from Rome to Ravenna. We can appreciate the spirit of this allusion to the tribunes, so that there may seem to be still some link between C?sar and the civic authorities. When the soldiers have expressed their goodwill, he goes to Ariminum, and so the Rubicon is passed.澳门金沙娱乐8066澳门金沙娱乐8066

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C?sar having led his legions to Brindisi, makes them a speech which almost beats in impudence anything that he ever said or did. He tells them that as they have now nearly finished all his work for him;鈥攖hey have only got to lay low the Republic with Pompey the Great, and all the forces of the Republic鈥攖o which, however, have to be added King Ptolemy in Egypt, King Pharnaces in Asia, and King Juba in Numidia;鈥攖hey had better leave behind them at Brindisi all their little property, the spoils of former wars, so that they may pack the tighter in the boats in which he means to send them across to Illyria,鈥攊f only they can escape the mercies of ex-Consul Admiral Bibulus. There is no suggestion that at any future time they will recover their property. For their future hopes they are to trust entirely to C?sar鈥檚 generosity. With one shout they declare their readiness to obey him. He takes over{149} seven legions, escaping the dangers of those 鈥渞ocks of evil fame,鈥 the Acroceraunia of which Horace tells us,鈥攁nd escaping Bibulus also, who seems to have shut himself up in his ship as he did before in his house during the consulship. C?sar seems to have made the passage with the conviction that had he fallen into the hands of Bibulus everything would have been lost. And with ordinary precaution and diligence on the part of Bibulus such would have been the result. Yet he makes the attempt,鈥攖rusting to the Fortune of C?sar,鈥攁nd he succeeds. He lands at a place which he calls Pal?ste on the coast of Epirus, considerably to the south of Dyrrachium, in Illyria. At Dyrrachium Pompey had landed the year before, and there is now stored that wealth of provision of which C?sar has spoken. But Bibulus at last determines to be active, and he does manage to fall upon the empty vessels which C?sar sends back to fetch the remainder of his army. 鈥淗aving come upon thirty of them, he falls upon them with all the wrath occasioned by his own want of circumspection and grief, and burns them. And in the same fire he kills the sailors and the masters of the vessels,鈥攈oping to deter others,鈥 C?sar tells us, 鈥渂y the severity of the punishment.鈥 After that we are not sorry to hear that he potters about on the seas very busy, but still incapable, and that he dies, as it seems, of a broken heart. He does indeed catch one ship afterwards,鈥攏ot laden with soldiers, but coming on a private venture, with children, servants, and suchlike, dependants and followers of C?sar鈥檚 camp. All these, including the children, Bibulus slaughters, down to{150} the smallest child. We have, however, to remember that the story is told by C?sar, and that C?sar did not love Bibulus.

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Pompey orders that his first rank shall not leave its order to advance, but shall receive the shock of C?sar鈥檚 attack. C?sar points out to us that he is wrong in this, because the very excitement of a first attack gives increased energy and strength to the men. C?sar鈥檚{168} legionaries are told to attack, and they rush over the space intervening between the first ranks to do so. But they are so well trained that they pause and catch their breath before they throw their weapons. Then they throw their piles and draw their swords, and the ranks of the two armies are close pitted against each other.Those wonderful Suevi, among whom the men alternately fight and plough, year and year about, caring more, however, for cattle than they do for corn, who are socialists in regard to land, having no private property in their fields,鈥攚ho, all of them, from their youth upwards, do just what they please,鈥攍arge, bony men, who wear, even in these cold regions, each simply some scanty morsel of skin covering,鈥攚ho bathe in rivers all the year through, who deal with traders only to sell the spoils of war, who care but little for their horses, and ride, when they do ride, without saddles,鈥攖hinking nothing of men to whom such delicate appendages are necessary,鈥攚ho drink no wine, and will have no neighbours near them,鈥攖hese ferocious Suevi have driven other German tribes over the Rhine into Gaul. C?sar, hearing this, is filled with apprehension. He knows the weakness of his poor friends the Gauls,鈥攈ow prone they are to gossiping, of what a restless temper. It is in the country of the Menapii, the tribe with which he did not quite finish his little affair in the last chapter, that these Germans are settling; and there is no knowing what trouble the intruders may give him if he allows them to make themselves at home on that{65} side of the river. So he hurries off to give help to the poor Menapii.

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But these Massilians are a crafty people. The C?sarean soldiers, having agreed to wait, take it easily, and simply amuse themselves in these days of waiting. When they are quite off their guard, and a high wind favours the scheme, the Massilians rush out and succeed in burning the tower, and the muscle, and the rampart, and the sheds, and all the implements. Even though the tower was built with brick, it burns freely,鈥攕o great is the wind. Then Trebonius goes to work, and does it all again. Because there is no more wood left round about the camp, he makes a rampart of a new kind,鈥攈itherto unheard of,鈥攚ith bricks. Doubtless the C?sarean soldiers had first to make the bricks, and we can imagine what were their feelings in reference to the Massilians. But however that may be, they work so well and so hard that the Massilians soon see that their late success is of no avail. Nothing is left to them. Neither perfidy nor valour can avail them, and now again they give themselves up. They{137} are starved and suffering from pestilence, their fortifications are destroyed, they have no hope of aid from without,鈥攁nd now they give themselves up,鈥攊ntending no fraud. 鈥淪ese dedere sine fraude constituunt.鈥 Domitius, the Pompeian general, manages to escape in a ship. He starts with three ships, but the one in which he himself sails alone escapes the hands of 鈥測oung鈥 Brutus. Surely now will Marseilles be treated with worse treatment than that which fell on the Gaulish cities. But such is by no means C?sar鈥檚 will. C?sar takes their public treasure and their ships, and reminding them that he spares them rather for their name and old character than for any merits of theirs shown towards him, leaves two legions among them, and goes to Rome. At Avaricum, when the Gauls had fought to defend their own liberties, he had destroyed everybody;鈥攁t Alesia he had decreed the death of every inhabitant when they had simply asked him leave to pass through his camp;鈥攁t Uxellodunum he had cut off the hands and poked out the eyes of Gauls who had dared to fight for their country. But the Gauls were barbarians whom it was necessary that C?sar should pacify. The Massilians were Greeks, and a civilised people,鈥攁nd might be useful.Early in life C?sar lifted himself to high position, though he did so in the midst of dangers. It was the wonder of those around him that Sulla did not murder him when he was young,鈥攃rush him while he was yet, as it were, in his shell; but Sulla spared him, and he rose apace. We are told that he became priest of Jupiter at seventeen, and he was then already a married man. He early trained himself as a public orator, and amidst every danger espoused the popular cause in Rome. He served his country in the East,鈥攊n Bithynia, probably,鈥攅scaping, by doing so, the perils of a residence in the city. He became Qu?stor and then{13} ?dile, assisted by all the Marian party, as that party would assist the rising man whom they regarded as their future leader. He attacked and was attacked, and was 鈥渋ndefatigable in harassing the aristocracy,鈥漑3] who strove, but strove in vain, to crush him. Though young, and addicted to all the pleasures of youth,鈥攁 trifler, as Sulla once called him,鈥攈e omitted to learn nothing that was necessary for him to know as a chief of a great party and a leader of great armies. When he was thirty-seven he was made Pontifex Maximus, the official chief of the priesthood of Rome, the office greatest in honour of any in the city, although opposed by the whole weight of the aristocracy, and although Catulus was a candidate, who, of all that party, was the highest not only in renown but in virtue. He became Pr?tor the next year, though again he was opposed by all the influence of those who feared him. And, after his twelve months of office, he assumed the government of Spain,鈥攖he province allotted to him as Propr?tor, in accordance with the usage of the Republic,鈥攊n the teeth of a decree of the Senate ordering him to remain in Rome. Here he gained his first great military success, first made himself known to his soldiery, and came back to Rome entitled to the honour of a triumph.

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Then C?sar made up his mind to cross the river. It seems that he had no intention of extending the empire of the Republic into what he called Germany, but that he thought it necessary to frighten the Germans. The cavalry of those intruding Usipetes had, luckily for them, been absent, foraging over the river; and he now sent to the Sigambri, among whom they{67} had taken refuge, desiring that these horsemen should be given up to him. But the Sigambri will not obey. The Germans seem to have understood that C?sar had Gaul in his hands, to do as he liked with it; but they grudged his interference beyond the Rhine. C?sar, however, always managed to have a set of friends among his enemies, to help him in adjusting his enmities. We have heard of the ?dui in central Gaul, and of the Remi in the north. The Ubii were his German friends, who were probably at this time occupying both banks of the river; and the Ubii ask him just to come over and frighten their neighbours. C?sar resolves upon gratifying them. And as it is not consistent either with his safety or with his dignity to cross the river in boats, he determines to build a bridge.

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He was born just one hundred years before Christ, and came of an old noble Roman family, of which Julius and not C?sar was the distinctive name. Whence came the name of C?sar has been a matter of doubt and of legend. Some say that it arose from the thick hair of one of the Julian tribe; others that a certain scion of the family, like Macduff, 鈥渨as from his mother鈥檚 womb untimely ripped,鈥 for which derivations Latin words are found to be opportune. Again we are told that one of the family once kept an elephant,鈥攁nd we are referred to some eastern language in which the word for elephant has a sound like C?sar. Another legend also rose from C?sar鈥檚 name, which, in the Gallic language of those days,鈥攙ery luckily for C?sar,鈥攕ounded as though one should say, 鈥淪end him back.鈥 C?sar鈥檚 horse once ran away with him, and carried him over to the enemy. An insolent Gaul, who knew him, called out, 鈥淐?sar, C?sar!鈥 and so the other Gauls, obeying the order supposed to be given, allowed the illustrious one to escape. It must be acknowledged, however, that the learned German who tells us this story expresses a contemptuous conviction that it cannot be true. Whatever may have produced the word, its significance, derived from the doings and writings of Caius Julius, has been very great. It has come to mean in various languages the holder of despotic power; and though it is said that, as a fact, the Russian title{9} Czar has no connection with the Roman word, so great is the prestige of the name, that in the minds of men the popular appellation of the Russian Emperor will always be connected with that of the line of the Roman Emperor.

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